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I Am Curious / Jag är nyfiken
I Am Curious – Yellow
Sweden Director Vilgot Sjöman Screenplay Vilgot Sjöman Director of Photography Peter Wester Editor Wic Kjellin Music Bengt Ernryd I Am Curious – Blue / Jag är nyfiken – blå Director Vilgot Sjöman Co-director Bertil Sandgren (The Pentecostal Revival Church scene) Screenplay Vilgot Sjöman Director of Photography Peter Wester Editors Wic Kjellin, Carl-Olov Skeppstedt Music Bengt Ernryd, Bengt Palmers. With Lena Nyman Lena Vilgot Sjöman Vilgot Börje Ahlstedt Börje Sonja Lindgren Sonja Hans Hellberg Hasse Bim Warne Hasse’s wife Peter Lindgren Rune, Lena’s father Gudrun Östbye Lena’s mother Gunnel Broström The woman on the island Marie Göranzon Marie Magnus Nilsson Magnus Ulla Lyttkens Ulla and as himself: Henning Sjöström. Produced by Göran Lindgren Production Company Sandrew Film & Teater AB Runtime 107 minutes DVD ![]() I Am Curious – Yellow starts in an elevator. Director Vilgot and starlet I Am Curious – Blue starts, again, in the framing story. Vilgot is testing girls for one of the parts in the film.
One eye, her right, in extreme close-up. She watches a harebell, sunbeams refract in beads of dew on the silken flower-cup. The following sequence takes us through a day on Lenas retreat in the desolate yet beautiful rural landscape. She drinks fresh water from a brook for breakfast and reflects on the wisdom of Martin Luther King before a pacifist house altar – a broken rifle on a chair, King’s picture leaning against it. Her meals are Spartan, three peas for lunch and a carrot for dinner, the latter devoured in an almost obscene frenzy. The day ends in bed, where This is a brilliant sequence. It is beautiful and profound, yet funny; Nyman delivers excellent pantomimic comedy acting. It is ironic, but avoids the coldness often present in that mode. It is playful, yet perfectly controlled. There are quite a few gems like this in Vilgot Sjömans diptych I Am Curious – Yellow/I Am Curious – Blue. The Curious films have certainly made their mark. Yellow caused a virtually world wide stir when it was released internationally. It was debated, banned, boycotted, cut to pieces and reassembled in Yellow showed a man’s penis in sexual situations. It was not erect, but it was there. Censors, champions of decency, and legislators all over the world felt that the film crossed a line, and there was no telling where we were going from there. And they were right. Attorney Edward de Grazia defended the film on its first trial in In terms of film history, Yellow is without a doubt a significant film, one of those watershed movies, similar in kind (but obviously not in scope) to Porter’s The Great Train Robbery (1903) and Rossellinis Roma, città aperta (1945). But where Porter pointed in the direction of the Western and Rossellini spearheaded Neorealism, Sjöman’s film paved the way for hard core pornography. This undisputable fact is ironic, since Sjöman’s intentions were manifestly anti-pornographic. In the published diary that narrates the making of Yellow and Blue, he defines pornography in terms of voyeurism, and argues that what traditionally make scenes of lovemaking in the cinema pornographic are the veils, the sheets, the slow dissolves, the whole machinery of titillation and innuendo. The naked fact could not and would not be pornography. This is the theory behind the practice in the diptych, and the films bear this out. Many reviewers, along with judges and witnesses in the Yellow and Blue are crucial films also in the context of Sjöman’s work as an auteur in the European art cinema of the 1950s and 1960s. He was a renowned novelist in
Sjöman, much inspired by Jean Rouch’s work, wanted to improvise, to use cinema vérité techniques, and to make a film that would matter politically, a portrait of contemporary Sweden, hence the Yellow and Blue, the colours of the Swedish flag. In this he was a pioneer, at least in Crucial, important, a watershed, pioneering: definitely the stuff that screening lists in university courses in Film Studies are made of. The Curious films are required viewing for any historically minded film buff or scholar. The Criterion Collection release is a true cultural achieved become too radical a call to revolutionary action to be effective as a union-organizing tool among the working class. Even before the final cut, the LA Black Panthers had become distressed that L A Newsreel’s focus on its role in the liberation struggle had shifted toward the industrial proletariat in general; and now that the LA branch of the Black Panther Party had been effectively destroyed, no agency or focus for organizing was immediately available. Since the political vision that had fueled Repression—that is, of the Black Panther Party as the domestic vanguard of a global revolution—no longer had an objective existence, the film no longer had a function. Repression was abandoned, left as a work print along with the original negatives in cardboard boxes that were shuffled from one ex-member to another but not opened for more than a quarter century.xxii The formal dissolution of LA Newsreel was announced to the other branches at the end of 1970, though the political study group described earlier continued until May 1971.xxiii Some members drifted away from political movements while others became avowed Communists; some of these joined the Watts-based California Communist League, taking jobs at General Motors, Union Carbide, and other local factories and committing themselves to the long-term strategy of organizing among the most exploited members of the industrial working class. The resignation earlier that spring of Waxman, an artist and one of the LA Newsreel’s earliest members, exemplifies the group’s aesthetic impasse at that historical moment. Scheduled to lead a discussion of Mao’s “Talk On Literature and Art at the Yenan Forum,” she concluded that his imposition of a rigid, party-dictated, political line was inimical to a fully human art practice. She consequently felt obliged to drop out of an organization which, as completely as any in the western world, had attempted to follow Mao’s principles that artists should integrate with the working class, simultaneously teaching them and learning from them. Repression’s aposiopesis articulates its historical moment, telling the story that the film itself could not bring itself to tell—that neither did the real possibility of armed insurrection exist in the United States, nor did the immediate possibility of a working-class film culture. The LA Newsreel experienced essentially the same cinematic possibilities and contradictions generated by the national and international political developments of the period that gave rise to the other branches. It also followed roughly the same overall itinerary, one that Bill Nichols justly characterized at the time as a “barometric” reflection of the progress of the New Left in general.xxiv The group’s vision of cinema as an interventionist political practice and its attempts to displace the passive, aestheticized, consumerist responses to culture inculcated by the corporate entertainment industry challenged the fundamental mechanisms of bourgeois culture and forced the development of new social relations within the filmmaking group,xxv new relations between the filmmakers and their constituencies, and new relationships between cinema and other political activities. The specific history of LA Newsreel—its rapid politicization, its close working relationship with the Black Panther Party, its failure to complete and distribute Repression, and the core members’ move into factory organizing—must be understood within the history of the national Newsreel movement as a whole and within the international wave of early-1970s guerrilla cinema, the “Third Cinemas” for which it was partly the inspiration.xxvi But the LA branch’s geographical specificity must also be recognized and considered within the history of difficulties faced by the city’s anticapitalist cinemas generally. The historical impossibility of Repression’s completion, then its own lost history are part of that larger repression. The fact that LA Newsreel failed to complete a film of its own is underscored by the presence of UCLA’s film school, where many of its members had studied, and situates this defeat within the historical and geographical contradictions of Los Angeles itself. The failure reproduces the historical tension between the city’s heritage of hostility to working-class self-consciousness (otherwise apparent in the ongoing record of notorious police brutality against the poor, saliently exemplified by the destruction of LA Black Panther headquarters) and the history of attempts to confront this repression by militant acts of working-class self-assertion. Geographically, LA Newsreel’s trajectory reflects the city’s spatiality; its decentered urban structure and the consequent isolation of ethnic and other identity groups allowed local cultural enclaves to flourish clandestinely but also inhibited the formation of a common front across them. Spatial segregation split the LA Black Panthers from the working-class Chicano community’s Moratorium Against the War and other barrio uprisings of 1970–72, for example, and facilitated the LAPD’s strategy of isolating then destroying them separately. In this context, the white LA Newsreel members’ work with the LA Black Panthers was a remarkable achievement: it was testimony to both the Panthers’ ability to see beyond the immediacy of their own repression and the racial issue to the fundamental exploitations of capitalist society, and second to Newsreel’s ability to mobilize across the city’s spatial divides and collaborate with different ethnic groups. The coalition demanded a bridge between Venice, the beach town where (before gentrification transformed it into a colony for mid- and upper-echelon bourgeoise) bohemians and working-class minorities lived side by side, and South Central Los Angeles, the inner-city neighborhood that was still as ghettoized as it had been in the mid-1960s when riots broke out in Watts. The core members’ move from one to the other, and then to the factories, indicates the transformation in LA Newsreel’s awareness of the changing terrain of its own political possibilities. The original Venice–South Central geographic connection was also important in what it excluded or circumvented: the spaces that were traversed in the drive from Venice to Thirty-Ninth and Broadway but could not be incorporated into a radical social movement—Beverly Hills, the liberal west side, and Hollywood. Hollywood’s repressiveness, more than any other, frames the history of LA Newsreel. The group’s small size, its extreme politicization, its singular focus on the most exploited Americans, and finally the abandonment of the film all signify the absence of any broadly liberal, reformist film culture in the city at that time.
In the summer of 1969, just as LA Newsreel was getting under way, the film Easy Rider was theatrically released. Appropriating all the innovations of underground film yet canceling their utopian implications, Easy Rider showed Hollywood executives that if the countercultures were cynically distorted, their failures could be exploited and marketed. A swarm of exploitations quickly followed, many directly plagiarizing Newsreel’s own films. While LA Newsreel was photographing LA Black Panther breakfast programs, for example, Michelangelo Antonioni was shooting Zabriskie Point (1970) at Metro-Goldwyn-Mayer, lifting entire scenes from San Francisco Newsreel’s San Francisco State: On Strike (1969) to elaborate a dystopian fantasy about (as the male lead sardonically remarks) “a white man taking up arms with the blacks. In the alienated commercial hollowness of Zabriskie Point—as in the international bourgeois art film generally—the social creativity and interracial unity of the New Left at its best is usurped by a spectacle of fucking and destruction; it reaches its climax in the dynamiting of a desert home, an ecological outrage presaging the firebombing of the Philippine jungles in Apocalypse Now (1979), the most obscene apology for the invasion of Vietnam and the most obscene appropriation of sixties aesthetic and political radicalism yet produced. Apocalypse Now was initially written by John Milius and directed by Francis Ford Coppola, who graduated from the University of Southern California (USC) and UCLA film schools, respectively, just a few years before some of the original LA Newsreel members.
Though Hollywood learned to tap the youth cultures, and though “youth pix” played a role in the New Left’s imagination,xxvii the possibility of the industry playing a positive role in specifically working-class political movements was no greater in the 1970s than it had been in Harry Potamkin’s day. As the cinematic avant-garde became entirely preoccupied with feminism and then other forms of identity politics, the working class ceased to be the subject of history or movies of any kind. Yet in Los Angeles, in the gloomy |